"ഫാസിസം" എന്ന താളിന്റെ പതിപ്പുകൾ തമ്മിലുള്ള വ്യത്യാസം

3,422 ബൈറ്റുകൾ കൂട്ടിച്ചേർത്തിരിക്കുന്നു ,  11 വർഷം മുമ്പ്
തിരുത്തലിനു സംഗ്രഹമില്ല
<!--Fascism was originally founded by Italian [[National syndicalism|national syndicalists]] in [[World War I]] who combined [[Left-wing politics|left-wing]] and [[Right-wing politics|right-wing]] political views, but it gravitated to the political right in the early 1920s.<ref>Sternhell, Zeev; Sznajder, Mario; Ashéri, Maia; Massel, David (translation). ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press: 1994. pp. 189–190.</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley G. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Oxon: The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System, 2005 (digital edition). p. 112.</ref> Scholars generally consider fascism to be on the [[far right]] of the conventional [[Left-right politics|left-right political spectrum]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.publiceye.org/eyes/whatfasc.html |title= What is Fascism? Some General Ideological Features |last=Lyons |first=Matthew N. |work=PublicEye.org |publisher=Political Research Associates |accessdate=2009-10-27}}</ref><ref name="ah.brookes.ac.uk">Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", ''Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche'', Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 [http://ah.brookes.ac.uk/resources/griffin/coreoffascism.pdf AH.Brookes.ac.uk]</ref><ref name="GELM5-W_zMwC 1999, p 3">{{cite book|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=GELM5-W_zMwC&pg=PA3 |title=Stackleberg, Rodney: ''Hitler's Germany'', Routeledge, 1999, p 3 |publisher=Books.google.com |date= |accessdate=2010-06-04}}</ref><ref name="Eatwell, Roger pp 71">Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003 pp 71–80 [http://books.google.com/books?id=tP2wXl5nzboC&pg=PA71 Books.google.com]</ref><ref name="Lipset, Seymour 2003, pp 112">Lipset, Seymour: "Fascism as Extremism of the Middle Class", ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003, pp 112–116</ref><ref>[[Benito Mussolini]]'s ''[[Doctrine of Fascism]]'' regards fascism as [[right-wing politics|right-wing]] and [[collectivism|collectivist]], but it also declares that fascism is sympathetic to ameliorating the conditions that brought about the rise of [[Left-wing politics|left-wing]] political movements, such as [[class conflict]] [[socialism]] and [[liberal democracy]], while simultaneously opposing the [[egalitarianism]] associated with the left. "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right', a Fascist century." ... "We are free to believe that this is the 'collective' century, and thus the century of the state. It is eminently reasonable for a new doctrine to make use of still-vital elements from other doctrines," ... "Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people." (p. 14) "The Fascist negation of socialism, democracy, liberalism, should not, however, be interpreted as implying a desire to drive the world backwards to positions occupied prior to 1789, a year commonly referred to as that which opened the demo-liberal century. History does not travel backwards. The Fascist doctrine has not taken De Maistre as its prophet. Monarchical absolutism is of the past, and so is ecclesiolatry. Dead and done for are feudal privileges and the division of society into closed, uncommunicating castes. Neither has the Fascist conception of authority anything in common with that of a police ridden State." ... "Fascism is therefore opposed to Socialism to which unity within the State (which amalgamates classes into a single economic and ethical reality) is unknown, and which sees in history nothing but the class struggle. Fascism is likewise opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. But when brought within the orbit of the State, Fascism recognises the real needs which gave rise to socialism and trade-unionism, giving them due weight in the guild or corporative system in which divergent interests are coordinated and harmonised in the unity of the State." (p.15) "In rejecting democracy Fascism rejects the absurd conventional lie of political equalitarianism, the habit of collective irresponsibility, the myth of felicity and indefinite progress." ... "Fascism denies that numbers, as such, can be the determining factor in human society; it denies the right of numbers to govern by means of periodical consultations; it asserts the irremediable and fertile and beneficent inequality of men who cannot be leveled by any such mechanical and extrinsic device as universal suffrage." '''Doctrine of Fascism'''.</ref>
Fascists believe that a nation is an [[Organicism|organic]] community that requires strong leadership, singular collective identity, and the will and ability to commit violence and wage war in order to keep the nation strong.<ref name="Grčić, Joseph 2000. p. 120">Grčić, Joseph. ''Ethics and political theory''. Lanham, Maryland, USA: University of America, Inc, 2000. p. 120</ref> They claim that culture is created by the collective national society and its state, that cultural ideas are what give individuals identity, and thus they reject [[individualism]].<ref name="Grčić, Joseph 2000. p. 120"/> Viewing the nation as an integrated collective community, they see [[Ontological pluralism|pluralism]] as a dysfunctional aspect of society, and justify a [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian]] state as a means to represent the nation in its entirety.<ref>Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14. "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."</ref><ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State"&nbsp;– by Carl Schmitt. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72."Nazi political theorist [[Carl Schmitt]] described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disasterous pluralism tearing the German people apart."</ref> They advocate the creation of a [[single-party state]].<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: the "fascist" style of rule''. Routledge, 2004. p. 28.</ref> Fascists reject and resist the autonomy of cultural or ethnic groups who are not considered part of the fascists' nation and who refuse to assimilate or are unable to be assimilated.<ref name="Pax Romanizing">"[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,754480,00.html Pax Romanizing]". TIME Magazine, 31 December 1934. The Fascist International declared their opposition to the seeking of autonomy and cultural distinction of Jewish groups in Europe, claiming that such attempts were dangerous and an affront to national unity.</ref> They consider attempts to create such autonomy as an affront and a threat to the nation.<ref name="Pax Romanizing"/> Fascist governments forbid and suppress opposition to the fascist state and the fascist movement.<ref>Kent, Allen; Lancour, Harold; Nasri, William Z. ''Encyclopedia of Library and Information Science: Volume 62&nbsp;– Supplement 25&nbsp;– Automated Discourse Generation to the User-Centered Revolution: 1970–1995.'' CRC Press, 1998. ISBN 0824720628, 9780824720629. p. 69.</ref> They identify violence and war as actions that create national [[regeneration]], spirit and [[Vitalism|vitality]].<ref>Griffin, Roger (ed.); Feldman, Matthew (ed.). ''Fascism: Fascism and culture''. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 185.</ref>-->
 
===പദത്തിന്റെ ഉദ്ഭവം===
''ഫാസിസം'' എന്ന വാക്ക് ആംഗലേയ ''fascism'' എന്ന വാക്കിൽനിന്നുദ്ഭവിച്ചതാണ്. ''fascismo'' എന്ന വാക്കാകട്ടെ, [[ഇറ്റാലിയൻ ഭാഷ|ഇറ്റാലിയൻ ഭാഷയിൽ]] കൂട്ടുകെട്ടുക എന്നർത്ഥമുള്ള ''[[fascio]]'' എന്ന വാക്കിൽനിന്നും ലത്തീൻ ഭാഷയിലെ ''[[fasces]]'' എന്ന വാക്കിൽനിന്നുമാണ് ഉദ്ഭവിച്ചത്. ഒരു കോടാലിയുടെ പിടിയ്ക്കു ചുറ്റും കമ്പുകൾ കൂട്ടിക്കെട്ടിയ തരത്തിലുള്ള കെട്ടാണ് fasces. ഇത് പുരാതന റോമൻ മജിസ്ട്രേറ്റുമാരുടെ അധികാരചിഹ്നമായിരുന്നു. അവരുടെ ലിക്ടർമാർ എന്ന സേവകർ വഹിച്ചിരുന്ന ഈ ആയുധം മജിസ്ട്രേട്ടിന്റെ ഉത്തരവുപ്രകാരമുള്ള ശിക്ഷകൾ നടപ്പാക്കുന്നതിനും ഉപയോഗിച്ചിരുന്നു. <ref>{{cite book|last = New World|first =Websters|title =Webster's II New College Dictionary| publisher =Houghton Mifflin Reference Books| isbn =0618396012|year = 2005}}</ref><ref name="paynee">{{cite book|last = Payne|first =Stanley|title =A History of Fascism, 1914–45| publisher =[[University of Wisconsin Press]]| isbn =0299148742|year = 1995}}</ref> ഇറ്റലിയിലെ സിൻഡിക്കേറ്റു രീതിയിലുള്ള് രാഷ്ട്രീയ സംഘടനകളായ ഫാസിയുമായും ''fascismo'' എന്ന പദം ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു.
 
ഫാസെസ് ''ഐകമത്യം മഹാബലം'' എന്നതിനെ പ്രതിനിധാനം ചെയ്യുന്നു. ഒരു വിറകുകൊള്ളെ എളുപ്പം ഒടിക്കാം, എന്നാൽ ഒരുകെട്ട് വിറകുകൊള്ളി ഒടിക്കാൻ നന്നേ വിഷമമാണ്.<ref>{{cite book|last =Doordan|first =Dennis P| title =In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy| publisher =The MIT Press| isbn =0299148742|year =1995}}</ref> പല ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് മുന്നേറ്റങ്ങളും, ഇതുപോലെ ഫാസിസം എന്ന വാക്കിന്റെ മൂലരൂപങ്ങളോടു അനുരൂപപ്പെടുത്തിക്കൊണ്ടുള്ള ചിഹ്നങ്ങൾ സ്വീകരിച്ചു. ഉദാഹരണത്തിന് ഒരു നുകത്തിൽ അനേകം അസ്ത്രങ്ങൾ ചേർത്തുവച്ച ചിഹ്നമാണ് ഫാലെഞ്ച്.<ref>{{cite book|last = Parkins|first =Wendy|title =Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship| publisher =Berg Publishers| isbn =1859735878|year = 2002}}</ref>
 
 
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